In the late 1990s, England, Scotland and Sweden moved early years and childcare services into education: at national level, responsibility for childminding, nurseries, school-age childcare and schools was integrated.
In a new book, we examine this reform - why and how it was done and the consequences. In particular, did this administrative change lead to wider changes in the relationship between education and childcare?
In England and Scotland, changes that followed transfer in 1998 were most notably the inclusion of schools and childcare services in the delivery of part-time education for three- and four-year-olds. This was accompanied by a shared funding and curricular framework.
In England, regulation of all education and childcare services is now with one agency, Ofsted, and the growing number of children's centres offer a model of integrated provision for young children - although so far only in deprived areas.
Scotland, from the start, emphasised an extended role for the school, having its New Community Schools programme up and running several years before England's promotion of extended schools.
Clear divide
Yet in the UK, a clear divide between education and childcare remains, both structurally and conceptually. There are still major differences between schools and childcare services, for example in access, funding and staffing. We still think and talk about 'childcare' as a distinct field, separate from education.
Sweden has been closing this divide. Educational principles were applied to early years and childcare services following their transfer to education in 1996. All children are now entitled to attend a publicly-funded early years service from 12 months of age (before 12 months, children are at home with their mothers, who are entitled to 13 months parental leave at 80 percent of earnings).
Sweden now has a pre-school curriculum for children from 12 months to six years, similar in form and approach to the school curriculum that also covers school-age childcare services (or 'free-time services' as Swedes call them).
Both curricula are short, framework documents with interpretation and implementation delegated to local authorities and individual nurseries (the Swedes call them 'pre-schools') and schools.
A period of free attendance for four- and five-year-olds has been introduced, while for all other use of pre-schools and free-time services there is now a ceiling on parental fees (approximately 90 a month for a first child, less for others).
Most significant has been the workforce changes. Before transfer, there were three professions: pre-school teachers, school teachers and pedagogues in free-time services. Each had their own training, though all were at higher education level. Divisions were, however, already breaking down. 'Rektors' had responsibility for clusters of services - childminding, nurseries, schools, free-time services - and could come from any of the three professions. A pre-school teacher, for example, could manage a school.
But in 2001, Sweden introduced new teacher training, encompassing work in pre-schools, schools and free-time services. This university-based integrated training consists of 18 months shared by all students, whether they want to work with infants or adolescents, and at least 24 months of more specialised study.
All qualify as teachers, but with differing profiles depending on the areas in which they have specialised.
Major reform
Bringing early years and childcare into education can be seen as part of a major reform of the Swedish education system. Introducing the transfer, the prime minister emphasised the need for Sweden to adopt a lifelong learning approach to remain economically competitive. Governments in England and Scotland have also talked about the relationship between childcare and education, but administrative integration has not led to the strong educational direction seen in Sweden.
There are several reasons. First, Sweden has been building up its early years and childcare services for decades; by 1996, it could offer a place to all children from 12 months of age whose parents were working or studying. Unlike England and Scotland, universal childcare had been achieved. Extending entitlement to a pre-school place to the relatively few children with non-employed parents was not a major undertaking.
Second, Sweden not only had extensive publicly-funded provision prior to 1996, it also had integrated provision. Most Swedish early years provision is in pre-schools for children from one to six years of age, integrating care and education and serving their local area. For older children, Sweden has been developing 'whole day schools', bringing together compulsory education, free-time services and pre-school classes for six-year-olds.
Third, underpinning this integration of provision has been pedagogy - an integrative concept widespread in continental Europe that takes a holistic approach. As a recent Swedish report observes, 'parents now expect a holistic pedagogy that includes healthcare, nurturing and education for their pre-schoolers'.
Finally, Sweden has low levels of child poverty; with the same level of national wealth, the UK has three to four times as many poor children.
By contrast, policy agendas in England and Scotland have been dominated by getting more 'childcare' to boost employment and reducing poverty. The relationship between care and education has been just one part of a wider 'joined up' strategy aimed at social problems linked to deprivation and exclusion. Sweden, though not without its problems, is able to concentrate on other agendas, especially rethinking and reforming education - it has got beyond poverty and childcare.
Serious attention
As Britain struggles to make up for decades of policy neglect of early years and childcare, Sweden deserves serious attention. Not just for its experience but because it has achieved British policy goals, in particular reducing child poverty and providing universal childcare. Sweden's achievement raises questions that Britain needs to think about, before deciding where next to go.
What type of services and what type of workers do we want? In early years, Sweden has moved to a simple national system of integrated local centres plus some family daycare. The system is national, avoiding the twin- track system emerging in England with children's centres in deprived areas and competing services elsewhere. Together with a sensible school starting age (six years), this system provides children with continuity over a five-year period.
A core professional worker makes up about half the workforce in pre-schools, the remainder being a group of assistants. Sweden has made the move to a highly qualified workforce, having parity with school teachers in training, even if not yet in pay.
What should be the relationship between early years and school? The Swedes are trying something ambitious: to forge an equal and reciprocal relationship between pre-school and school in which, for instance, pre-school practices could influence work in secondary school. But it is a gamble.
Schools are powerful and resistant to change. Many Swedes fear 'school- ification' of pre-schools; already, in the new training system, a worryingly high proportion of students are choosing to specialise as compulsory school teachers rather than work in pre-schools or free-time services.
Finally, who is responsible for services? For Swedes, early years and free-time services are seen, like schools, as public institutions, and attendance is a child's right. These services are not private commodities, to be purchased by parents. While in Britain 85 per cent of nurseries are private businesses, in Sweden 85 per cent of pre-schools are provided by local authorities. Moreover, Sweden has no place for 'employer childcare'. Indeed, with the move into education, the link between access to pre-schools and parental employment has been broken.
Public expenditure
Of course. it costs. Public expenditure on early years and free-time services in Sweden is four times as much as in England (1.9 per cent of GDP compared to 0.4 per cent). Swedes pay higher taxes. But they get higher returns - low child poverty, well-paid and generous parental leave and a well-run and universally available system of services, with a well-trained workforce and affordable costs.
British parents on average pay six times as much for a nursery place, while British nursery workers have lower training and pay.
Sweden has got where it is today after decades of public commitment. If the UK is to aspire to anything like as good, we need to pause now, think where we want to get, then get down to the hard work of reforming our services. Central to that will be the relationship between care and education, and between pre-school, school and free-time services.
